Tag: International

Do International Students Need Integration?
May 17, 2019 1:47 pm Comments Off on Do International Students Need Integration?
閱讀中文版請看 ‘國際學生需要被融合嗎？’

Having a constructive discourse on minority representation is hard. That’s why I find Kai Clark’s article “There is No Such Thing as an ‘International’ Student” particularly refreshing. The article offers a number of valuable insights and sincere suggestions. It calls for the increased representation of international students. It speaks against pigeonholing different groups and calls out xenophobia. As will become clear, I disagree with many things in this piece; but there are also many, many more that I wholeheartedly embrace.
At the risk of stating the obvious, I should preface my discussion with one more point. Proposals for change are often subject to remarkably harsh scrutiny. Legitimate concern aside, what underlines such (at times enthusiastic) scrutiny is often a desire to preserve the status quo. Think, for example, about the fact that those who oppose affirmative action on the grounds that it’s not the most effective way to address injustice are unlikely to be proponents of other progressive policies either. Think, also, about the fact that those who lament unionisation on the grounds that it hurts workers are probably not going to vote for mass redistribution in any event. Point being, for all that I will say later, Clark’s article makes an invaluable contribution to the ongoing discussion on minority representation.
So much for the set-up. Clark’s main argument in the piece is that “international students” are not a homogenous group, and hence “there is no such thing as an international student”. My worry, though, is that Clark runs the risk of replacing one form of over-generalisation with another. Clark presents, unwittingly I believe, a picture of international students as many groups with diverse interests that are nevertheless internally homogenous.
We are told that, “they see themselves as who they are: a citizen of their home country.” We are told that, “they are more likely to relate more with others from their country than with other overseas students.” We are told that, “[this] is why cultural and country-specific clubs are so popular… as they create a place for ambitious overseas students to cut one’s teeth in student leadership.” These descriptive claims are worrying not only because they either are widely inaccurate or rely excessively on stereotypes. They also carry off-putting normative connotations. We are told, later in the piece, that the “institutional change” we need is simply that “student leaders” and residential staff understand the “legal, cultural, and socioeconomic barriers” international students face. Informed by the above-mentioned conception of international students, one can’t help but wonder what kind of understanding such institutional change will produce.
To be fair, Clark does mention that “even… simple descriptions [like Mainland Chinese, Taiwanese, Hong Kong and Singapore] hide the complexities and contradictions of these places”. I don’t know, however, whether “ethnically homogenous China with its ‘new rich’ and rising middle class” — referenced by Clark in the same paragraph — obscures more than just the “complexities and contradictions” of a place.
Of course, at the level of university and residential policies, some degree of generalisation is unavoidable. The question rather is whether generalisation is unfairly and disproportionately directed at some particular groups.
In fact, as an international student myself, I find it slightly puzzling that, for an article published in the university newspaper, people like me are referred to almost exclusively as “they”. Perhaps it’s just a matter of the proper use of grammar; I am not sure. I do, however, struggle to find any shred of agency for people like me in this picture. We seem merely to be passive recipients of “inclusion” and “support”— if only we could be integrated; if only “student leaders” and staff could help us.
Now, how to understand the agency of disadvantaged groups is a very general problem for historians, sociologists and philosophers. For example, we do not want to theorise indigenous peoples solely through the lens of victimhood, nor should we only sing a feel-good anthem about their triumphant resistance. The point is not that Clark doesn’t resolve this intricate issue. Rather, it is simply very curious why international students are singled out. There are presumably a great many students who have difficulties adjusting themselves to the new environment. A great many, perhaps, “want to be included into the community but are struggling”.
Even some of the seemly specific problems identified by Clark are hardly unique to international students. We are told that, “a Chinese dumpling making event, for example, does not necessarily appeal to South Asian students as it would to East Asian students.” Clark then says, “this is exacerbated when you continue to see events that continue to borrow upon one cultural region over another”. I am again quite puzzled by this. Isn’t this just a general problem of how to accommodate the interests of minorities in democratic institutions? How is it different from, say, political factions dominating certain student societies on campus?
Perhaps I am being unfair here. It’s certainly true that just because something is a general problem doesn’t mean that it is not serious. It’s also true that many of the issues identified by Clark, such as the under-representation of certain groups of international students, are very real. The question, though, is how we should approach these issues. I see no reason why we ought to prioritise, say, “providing services and support to struggling international students” over “providing services and support to all those who are struggling”. I cannot agree more when Clark says, “we must be careful of how we use language to refer to overseas students”. That’s why, given the prevailing social message, we should caution against framing international students predominantly as powerless victims to be provided for. Clark also calls for international students be “respected for their cultural diversity and humanity”. I agree; better yet, why not drop the “cultural diversity”?
Of course, it might be said that some issues are in fact primarily faced by international students. Perhaps, as Clark mentions, these are issues associated with English language skills and cultural differences. As I have written elsewhere, though, I personally find over-generalisations and (well-intentioned) assumptions about my identity a bigger irritation than the lack of meaningful support or services. There are simply way more instances where I am told, “oh, so you study philosophy… not… finance?”
Now, it should be pointed out that different students do in fact have different needs and interests. It’s also the case that the ANU should provide better support and services to its students. (I once had to wait three weeks for a counselling session, which is a common experience of many.) But this makes it all the more important not to generalise — particularly when it comes to groups about whom so many generalisations have already been made.
Perhaps, Clark and I do not really disagree after all. There is indeed no such thing as an international student. What should be remembered, though, is that there is also no such thing as a non-struggling student.

Kida Lin worries that in discussions about international students, we run the risk of replacing one form of over-generalisation with others.

Kida Lin
Why Contemporary Europe Should Worry Us
April 22, 2019 2:28 am Comments Off on Why Contemporary Europe Should Worry Us
Europe today is fractured, and there aren’t many news stories which are telling us otherwise. In a relatively short period of time, we have witnessed the United Kingdom face a domestic catastrophe. They are struggling to avoid a devastating ‘no deal’ Brexit, whilst paradoxically, politicians are still trying to comprehend what Brexit actually means. The EU, as an extensive and comprehensive institutional web itself, is tearing apart, its very foundations being shaken, as it attempts to put forward a hard-line stance in their negotiations with the UK. They are doing so while aiming to mitigate the effects of a resurgence of right-wing nationalist leaders who also pose a threat to the stability of the European Union. Leaders like Hungary’s Viktor Orban, or Italy’s Matteo Salvini as well as the rise in nationalist sentiment seen in France, Sweden and Spain are just a few examples of the unity crumbling in Europe.
Here in Australia, contemporary Europe appears to be an absolute mess. Anarchical and chaotic due to the extremity of the situation, we in Australia feel generally detached from the disturbances in Europe. Australia, like any democracy, faces issues itself, but certainly not of the same existential significance as seen in Europe. So as we read about issues like Brexit, we are able to comfortably breathe a sigh of relief at the realisation that we are not reading about our own country.

Much of the downfall of Europe can be attributed to isolationist stances that nations have begun to adopt. An increasing nationalist sentiment is causing nations to turn inwards and reject the principles of globalisation. Globalisation has historically brought so much economic prosperity to countless Europeans lives and is now being wrongly accused as the problem. As a result, many countries throughout Europe are essaying a shared anti-immigration sentiment, often leaving the issue in the hands of nations who are a lot less financially equipped. For instance, Jordan, which ranks 107th in GDP per capita, has taken in 1.3 million refugees from Syria. This anti-immigration stance has been adopted by a host of nations throughout Europe: Theresa May famously said that refugees “should claim asylum in the first safe country they reach”. David Cameron in 2016 ordered patrol ships to turn back boats to Libya. This same situation has occurred in the Mediterranean Sea with countries like Italy also turning boats back to avoid an influx of refugees. The foundation of this existent crisis can be attributed to a hardline anti-immigration stance.

Should we not perhaps feel some embarrassment as a democratic and liberal nation, watching Europe descend into chaos, that Australia’s hardline immigration policy is held up as a shining example for nationalistic principles in Europe. Never mind that Australia was one of 48 countries to sign the Declaration of Human Rights at the end of WW2 which clearly states that everyone has the right to seek asylum from persecution. Are we not currently treating refugees as criminals by locking them up for years in offshore detention? Whilst doing so, we are causing immense (and often permanent) psychological damage to countless numbers of refugees, many of whom are children. Sadly, both our major parties – with particular scrutiny on the Labor Party, which claims to be socially progressive – cannot commit to ending our cruel system, spending millions keeping people locked up indefinitely.
So, as we look at Europe with a comfort of detachment, we really should be thinking that we are not too different ourselves

Declan Milton
There’s No Such Thing as an ‘International’ Student
April 18, 2019 12:56 am Comments Off on There’s No Such Thing as an ‘International’ Student
During my time on residential leadership we ran events hoping to involve international students in our hall’s community. These events, however, were run based on the presumption that all international student experiences are the same. They are not. A locally educated student from Japan, for example, is different to a western-educated student from Myanmar. Grouping ‘international students’ as if they are a unified, cohesive community misinforms our policies for inclusion. It is time we step away from this overly broad term and recognise these students as who they are: a diverse group of people with different needs and challenges.
According to the Australian government, the term ‘overseas student’ refers to students studying in a foreign institution who are not Australian or New Zealand citizens or Australian permanent residents. ANU, Australian National University Students’ Association and the International Student’s Department use the term ‘international student’ to the same effect. This is an accurate label when it is used solely to describe the legal and fee-paying status of the student. The problem arises when the term ‘international student’ moves past this narrow definition.
Few, if any, ‘international student’ identifies as such. Instead, they see themselves as who they are: a citizen of their home country. They are more likely to relate more with others from their country than with other overseas students. This is why cultural and country-specific clubs are so popular at ANU: they create a place for ambitious overseas students to cut one’s teeth in student leadership – sometimes after being rejected from college leadership.
Within the microcosm of overseas groups at ANU, we see reflections of the same stories and tensions back home. Mainland Chinese, Taiwanese, Hong Kong, and Singapore students are all generally seen as ‘Chinese’, yet the level of wealth, education, English language proficiency skills, and cultural upbringing varies. Ethnically homogenous China with its ‘new rich’ and rising middle class differs from the racially diverse Singapore, where English is the vernacular for many of its citizens. Yet, even these simple descriptions hide the complexities and contradictions of these places.
These complexities manifest more clearly when we ask a person to represent the ‘international community’. When there is only one international representative on a resident’s committee, the workload of dealing with overseas student engagement falls largely onto them. While it’s admirable for student residences to put on cultural events to engage both Australian and overseas students, a Chinese dumpling making event, for example, does not necessarily appeal to South Asian students as it would to East Asian students. This is exacerbated when you continue to see events that continue to borrow upon one cultural region over another
Even the very role of international representative limits the potential of international students to engage in their community. I have spoken to many who were hesitant to run for any other position on their residents’ committees because they felt that they didn’t ‘fit’ into the role as well as they would as an ‘international representative’. Conversely, I have heard students not vote for international students for other roles because they believed they were better suited for being an ‘international representative’.
So, what can we do to be more inclusive to international students? As student leaders in colleges, a good start is to triage. Some students are here to study and are content to be with one’s own. Others have a western background or education and the English and social skills to integrate successfully. The priority, instead, should be on the students who are in between, who want to be included into the community but are struggling.
These students are the ones who show up but need encouragement. It may be their lack of confidence in their English skills, their lack of understanding on Australian college life or it may be their unfamiliarity with the Australian social culture and norms that make conversations difficult for them. By supporting these students early on we enable them to participate in college culture. I have seen many students who, after a few weeks of constant struggle, give up from engaging all together. It is up to all of us to be more inclusive and welcoming.
But institutional change is also needed. ANU should step up in providing training to its student leaders and residential staff to effectively understand the legal, cultural, and socioeconomic barriers overseas students may face. I have seen Senior Residents and other leaders of the community pass judgements about a student’s fashion sense or behaviour which in the context of their home culture is the norm. We cannot expect the one international representative to educate a college on various cultural practices. That is everyone’s responsibility
ANU also needs to be more transparent in its policies for international student integration in residences. Many student leaders and Senior Residents I have spoken to have expressed cynicism about ANU’s uneven allocation of international students into various student accommodations. Likewise, despite international students making up a significant portion of the hall, many of them are left wondering why Senior Resident teams are largely made up of domestic students. We need more transparency around these decisions to have a fruitful and informative debate on overseas student integration into halls.
Finally, we must acknowledge the rising xenophobia around the term ‘international student’. Australian politics and discussions at ANU increasingly use ‘international student’ as a thinly veiled reference to new, rich generation of Chinese students – or as one student leader brazenly said to me, “Chinese spies”. Because of this, we must be careful of how we use language to refer to overseas students. They are people to be respected for their cultural diversity and humanity, not threats to our way of life.
The author served on the Bruce Hall Common Room Committee as Media Officer in 2018.

Kai Clark
Why the South China Sea Remains a Flashpoint
November 5, 2018 2:28 pm Comments Off on Why the South China Sea Remains a Flashpoint
The South China Sea dispute has been noted by many as one of the ‘four regional flashpoints’ in East Asia. At its heart the dispute is concerned with overcoming the sensitive legacies of decolonisation, as nations jostle over their sovereign and historic rights with overlapping claims over the features, Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) and the outer limits of their continental shelves. More broadly, it is about overcoming resource security (oil, gas and fisheries) and the geopolitical competition between major regional powers. This confluence of strategic interests and the multi-faceted competition among different players in the South China Sea makes the conflict intractable.
Amidst the political drama, there has been no effective legal or normative mechanism to peacefully resolve the dispute over the last five decades. International law has not prevailed in ensuring that dispute parties adhere to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea or the 2014 Hague Tribunal Ruling. Regional frameworks between ASEAN member-states and China, such as the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties and the emerging framework for the Code of Conduct, also lack enforceability with no binding agreement to resolve or manage disputes. This is in part due to the unwillingness of countries to subsume under a supranational polity as a result of their non-negotiable emphasis on sovereign territoriality.
Given the lack of effective dispute mechanisms, claimant states and regional observers have generally managed the South China Sea conflict under the broader political framework of regional power balancing and defence self-help. This has meant a desire to militarise the South China Sea and bring in major external powers (i.e. the United States, India, Japan, the United Kingdom, France and Russia) in order to prevent one single hegemon from dictating the rules and dominating the region. However, changes in regional dynamics, especially China’s rapid rise and America’s relative decline, have encouraged greater assertiveness and provocations among observers and dispute parties, which threatens to intensify the arms race and strategic competition in the South China Sea. This means that the South China Sea dispute has remained a dangerous source of conflict, with periodic clashes and near-misses between claimant and observer states.
Vietnam’s recent manoeuvres poses a pivotal crisis point that may warrant a standoff involving India and possibly the US against China over a contested oil rig. Such manoeuvres relate to Vietnam’s evolving maritime strategy, which over the last decade has seen an incremental expansion of maritime forces (air force, navy and coastguards) and installations of military features around the Spratly islands.
Of particular worry is Vietnam’s evolving military doctrine surrounding the ‘Law on Militia and Self-Defence Forces’ to combine national defence with maritime economic endeavours. This has allowed for the building of a modest fishing militia which would support not just fishing safety and navigation, but also confrontational operations during oil and gas contestations. Already, there has been an increasing presence of Vietnamese fishers around Vietnam’s Ladd Reef in close proximity to the disputed oil block 136/03. This has occurred against the backdrop of recent reported threats by Beijing to forcibly remove Vietnam’s joint exploration with Spain’s Respol in that oil block – a signal of Vietnam bolstering its support operations for resource exploration.
The development of a Vietnamese fishing militia is problematic. It falls under the grey area between the civilian and the military which may complicate the principle of inviolability of coastal fishing vessels. Vietnam’s military also lacks detailed organisational procedures surrounding the role of fishing militia and the escalation of force. Without addressing these issues, Vietnamese fishers may be unintentionally emboldened to pursue a more confrontational approach in the contestation for oil and gas explorations.
On top of this, Vietnam is enhancing its defence ties with regional powers to cement their strategic presence in the South China Sea. Vietnam’s relationship with India, in particular, has seen greater arms sales and increasingly robust naval exercises as part of the 2015-2020 Vietnam-India Joint Vision Statement to strengthen capacity-building and joint-interoperability. The March meeting between Vietnamese President Quong and Indian Prime Minister Modi also underscored continued indifference among Vietnamese and Indian authorities over Chinese protests against their joint explorations, with the possibility of further explorations by Oil and Natural Gas Corporation and PetroVietnam extending to Vietnam’s continental shelf. Vietnam and India may therefore fail to take seriously China’s increasing displeasure and assertiveness over the years. This may provoke a confrontation with Chinese oil companies exploring near the vicinity of Vietnam-India joint exploration projects. With Quong’s recent passing, much will be seen as to how Hanoi continues to push the envelope in the South China Sea.
Washington, on the other hand, has recently stepped up on its freedom of navigation operations (FONOPs) and passed into law the symbolic National Defense Authorisation Act to expose Beijing’s assertive behaviour and ban China from the Rim of the Pacific Exercise. Much has been criticised about this ineffective move in pressuring China to rollback its military activities and land reclamation. But with the added interests to deepen defense partnership with Vietnam – as attested by the recent US aircraft carrier visit to Cam Ranh Bay – and elevate India as a major defense partner, it will be no surprise if the US interfere in a Vietnam-China-India standoff under the guise of FONOPs to uphold a ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’. America’s FONOPs may also risk unsafe collisions with Chinese forces as both sides jostle within the tight constraints of maritime space – attested by the most recent show of force last week.
This is just one of the many potential points of escalation in the region. Although the South China Sea may well be the least likely of all other flashpoints to erupt into a major war, one should caution against complacency when preparing for strategic shocks. We should bear in mind John Stoessinger’s warning when “few foresaw the world catastrophe [WWI] that would snuff out the lives of an entire generation and consign the next to disillusion and despair.”

Tommy Chai
A letter on Kavanagh’s nomination
2:20 pm Comments Off on A letter on Kavanagh’s nomination
A letter to my friend, who wonders about Dr. Ford’s role in Brett Kavanagh’s nomination:
(And some thoughts on gender, media and democracy)
I call you. We talk family, friends and politics. We talk Brett Kavanagh.
Playing the devil’s advocate (a completely apolitical stance, of course), you wonder why Dr. Ford only spoke up now. Isn’t it proof that she’s a pawn for the Democratic Party’s elaborate game of chess?
Right off the bat, I acknowledge that no academic research has proven unusual levels of false accusations of sexual assault. The common right-wing narrative, that these stories are made up by jilted lovers to ‘get back’ at their partners (in family law courts or publicly) has no scientific basis.
But these questions incense me – even if you do believe her. You demand a victim of a crime to behave a certain way, a way that appeals to a social order that has monumentally failed her, and countless victims and survivors before her. How dare you expect a vulnerable teen to speak up, against not only an individual but her entire social group, against the patriarchal values that led people to stand by and laugh, potentially against her own fears about whether she deserved it?
That you treat the reporting of a rape like a man treats a break-in to his house only affirms my fears that you don’t understand sexual assault. Sexual assault is a violation of one’s entire self, self-worth, and worldview. It is something you hide, and block, and pretend didn’t happen. It’s something you don’t tell anyone. Its something you don’t relive for 15 professionals who treat you like a specimen. And I ask, if one can’t tell their mother or father, how do they tell the police? Especially in the US, where 18% of sexual violence reports end in an arrest (compared to 27% of robberies).
Further, the idea that Dr. Ford is a pawn in an elaborate political game is insulting to those who come forward with their stories. Dr. Ford, by revealing her story, has committed a deeply personal act of empowerment, further establishing control over a narrative that played out in her head for decades, ignored by those who stood by and did nothing, or else perpetrated the actions.
‘Okay’, you concede. The system is flawed for victims of sexual assault. ‘But,’ you counter, ‘what does this mean for the precious system of judicial appointment? Women can’t just hijack a man’s job interview to air grievances from 30 years ago.’
Oh but they can. This job is one which will determine the rights of women throughout the US for potentially decades. This job is one of immense status and has massive ramifications for the futures of Americans. Why shouldn’t we have a say?
In fact, the media plays a role in making sure our politicians know exactly how we feel. The media, in this moment, reports on and expresses the social values that we want to see in the Supreme Court. It’s representative democracy.
It’s letting go of the fallacy that Supreme Court judges, decisions and institutions are apolitical interpreters and interpretations of law. In fact, the Court is more likely to be seen by the public as a moral compass.
‘What if you’re about to be elected a federal judge, and someone calls you out for a racist joke you made in high school? Isn’t it all just going too far?’
Firstly, thanks for reinforcing the idea that sexual assault can only be committed by men. Love the change in analogy. Secondly, if I did say something racist and offensive, something unrepresentative of the people whose rights I’ll interpret, why shouldn’t this be relevant? Maybe it’s the belief that I’ll never make light of racism, or maybe I understand. Judges’ benches belong to those who respect, and are trusted, by those whose matters they adjudicate.
Now that Kavanagh has been confirmed, I worry. I worry that, like when Texas pro-choice lobbyists decried the restrictions of abortions, the storm will break, and our rights will remain in the hands of those who do not respect them. That abortion clinics will close; affirmative action will be disallowed. Gerrymandering will increase and the death penalty will remain. I worry Trump will be allowed to pardon himself.
Mostly I worry that you think I’m uninformed, or weak for my position. But when you speak as devil’s advocate, I speak from personal experience of alienation and harassment, of being silenced and bullied. You want me to see the bigger picture, but I want the bigger picture to see us, and to make changes so that a rapist doesn’t get to the Federal Courts, let alone the Supreme Court.
This debate is not just a theoretical discussion of foreign politics, it is a debate that is playing out in our homes, campuses and news outlets. It affects our Australian values and expectations for the political landscape. It affects how I talk to you, and how you talk to me.

Bella Dimattina
An Unexpected Nature
October 14, 2018 12:47 am Comments Off on An Unexpected Nature
In recent months, tropical cyclones have ravaged many parts of the world, including Hong Kong, China, Philippines, and the south-eastern border of the USA. To some extent, this is unsurprising; each year, tropical cyclone activity peaks during this period of seasonal transition. However, the activity has been exceptionally high this year with more than six storms appearing without much prior warning. The death toll has been unusually high too: in just the last month, tropical cyclones have claimed over 60 lives in the Philippines, at least four in China and 31 in the USA’s Carolina States. Millions more people have been displaced or reported missing, and vast amounts of infrastructure has been damaged or destroyed.
How do tropical cyclones occur?
Tropical cyclones occur close the equator, where the ocean is warmest. This warm water transfers heat and moisture into the air above, causing it to rise, fast. As it travels higher into the atmosphere, it cools, and eventually loses its ability to hold water. This creates condensation and clouds. Meanwhile, the air that has left the water’s surface leaves a ‘depression’ – an area of low air pressure – which warm air moves towards as the air pressure restabilises. Influenced by the rotation of the earth on its axis, this warm air begins to spin and, as this cycle repeats itself, a tropical cyclone is formed. Since tropical cyclones gather all of their energy from the ocean, once they reach landfall they begin to lose their energy. However, this feature leaves countries like the Philippines, effectively a nation made up of islands, particularly susceptible as they are perpetually surrounded by warm ocean currents. Combined with the lack of infrastructure and resources, this is why many island nations experience such a high degree of damage and destruction at the hands of tropical storms.
There is no doubt that the efforts made to mitigate the effects of the recent tropical storms were not enough. Scientists have a solid understanding of how tropical cyclones form. However, how they will react to, and interact with, different environments is still only partially understood, leaving countries facing a degree of unpredictability. We have come along way with weather and storm monitoring and geographers and geologists can help predict the paths that tropical cyclones will take, but exact routes are still are pretty hard to anticipate. Moreover, although we know that tropical cyclones usually happen during transitional seasons due to an increase in air instability, which is the air pressure changing, global warming is disrupting these patterns.
While infrastructure is constantly becoming sturdier, preventing it from being destroyed met with winds moving at 200 km/h it seems like an impossible task to prevent mass destruction. There were many news reports showing glass being shattered in newly built buildings in Hong Kong. The financial cost of repairing and rebuilding is enormous, not to mention the social and emotional cost for the people and communities that inhabit these buildings.
While we have made vast advancements in science and technology, there are some things that just cannot be determined by as the course of nature as it follows its own route. While the prospects of helping the world prevent environmental disasters might look bleak, there are other ways we can deal with the outcomes of such. There are multiple charities that are making efforts to help rebuild these devastated areas. We cannot do much to control nature and the destruction it brings. However, we do have the power to help those in need. Every little contribution and donation could help millions of people displaced by these natural disasters.

Ezra Yeng
Shoes, socks and social justice: Nike’s ad campaign with Colin Kaepernick
October 12, 2018 1:48 pm Comments Off on Shoes, socks and social justice: Nike’s ad campaign with Colin Kaepernick
Nike’s recent advertisement featuring Colin Kaepernick, the US NFL player who protested racial injustice and police brutality by kneeling during the National Anthem in August 2016, has sparked notable backlash. The advertisement, which features a black and white shot of Kaepernick captioned with the words “Believe in Something. Even if it means sacrificing everything” seems to express support for Kaepernick’s activism, taking a stance on deeply fraught issues in the US. This high-profile campaign by Nike begs the question of what role, if any, should corporations play in social justice and activism?
The Kaepernick ad campaign has led to calls by some to boycott Nike, with outraged individuals on Twitter posting about setting their Nike shoes alight and cutting the logo off Nike-brand socks. It’s drawn the attention of Donald Trump, who tweeted that “Nike is getting absolutely killed with anger and boycotts”
Despite this, it’s been reported that online sales of Nike products increased after the release of the campaign. Although it’s uncertain whether the increase is directly related to the Kaepernick ad, it indicates that Nike is not doing too badly. And, all the attention directed towards the campaign has created an avalanche of free publicity.
It seems that there are significant benefits to be gained from taking this stance, despite the risks. Even if a number of consumers are alienated by the support for Kaepernick, Nike’s alignment with a social justice cause means it can fashion itself as a bold, socially aware and progressive brand, and having this image may well prove profitable in the long run.
The fact that profit is such a key driver of action complicates corporate activism. Wariness and scepticism are needed when thinking about whether corporations should be advocating for social justice issues, in the way that Nike has, particularly when considering how they are often implicated in many social justice issues themselves.
Criticism of the use of sweatshop labour alongside other ethical issues have long been problematic for Nike – indeed, a desire to shake the image of an unscrupulous corporation may be a motivating factor for the recent campaign’s overt support for Kaepernick and his cause.
Recently, Nike has come under fire for claims of gender discrimination, as well as for withdrawing from its commitment to the Worker Rights Consortium, an organisation which independently monitors factories and provides a means for workers to have grievances investigated.
These issues make the social justice stance taken by Nike in the Kaepernick ad appear somewhat superficial, as it indicates a lack of holistic commitment to addressing social injustice, including that which the company itself perpetuates. Perhaps instead of posturing about certain issues, corporations like Nike need to first look at the ethics of their everyday practices.
In spite of these problems, could the campaign still have some merit or positive impact? By supporting Kaepernick, and ostensibly taking a stance on the social justice issues he protests, the high-profile campaign could help generate support for these causes or otherwise have an impact. Rolling Stone writer Jamil Smith has said in a series of Tweets that, “Is this a corporation seeking to profit off of the pursuit of social justice? Yes. But this accomplishes one thing that could be important. The NFL is now facing pressure from one of its biggest partners to end its collusion against Kaepernick. Nike makes the team uniforms.” He also brought up how by taking a political stance Nike proved itself a company that was willing to support people in the pursuit of social justice and civil rights and this serves to strengthen the trust between the consumers and the corporation.
This shows there may be a meaningful outcome from the campaign – and perhaps that it counts as a win for social justice and civil society that a powerful corporation is publicly throwing their weight behind a figure like Kaepernick.
Though these are important outcomes to consider in weighing up the issue, the problems of self-interest and hypocrisy of big businesses being involved in corporate social activism are still pressing. Ultimately, when it comes to the part that corporations have in matters of social justice, attention should be primarily focused upon their own role in injustice, like gender discrimination, commitment to ethical labour practices, and more – and, ideally, any improvement on this is not just done as part of a marketing strategy.

Kate Coxhead
Property woes of Muslim Women
1:32 pm Comments Off on Property woes of Muslim Women
Less than 20% of land worldwide is owned by women, even with their large contributions to the productive uses of land. This disparity stretches across other resources as well and is rampant throughout the Muslim world, particularly in rural communities. Despite being heavily involved in important uses of such resources, assuming the roles of primary caregivers and providers of food for entire families, women’s roles are continuously discounted and overshadowed. This is not something specific to rural communities, or even the Muslim world, as affording value to domestic work is currently at the centre of the feminist debate in Australia – so why do Muslim women seem to suffer more in comparison? Is it purely a Western lens and a plethora of white savior complexes that paint them as victims of circumstance, rather than agents of change?
To some extent, yes – but not quite. They’re simply different circumstances. Although many Islamic teachings and scripture-based laws recognise and establish women’s property rights, the situation is very complex in practice. Muslim communities tend to present more restrictions and resistance to gender mainstreaming due to social stigmas around gender integration, and thus limitations around accessing education, training and entering the workforce are exacerbated. These restrictions are reciprocally damaging to the communities in which they are present as rural societies lose half of their potential workforce. An increased burden is then put on men to be the sole breadwinners; with no one truly benefitting from this inequality.
Men have more training, education and overall capacity to participate in production and therefore possess the bulk of decision-making power. In many Muslim communities, women do not have surnames or legal documentation, or otherwise it is connected to or reliant on either their father or husband’s documentation. This prevents them from accessing services for health, employment, legal aid and social protection. They are more likely to be ignored in development plans, which are made more difficult due to gender segregation and a cultural inability to speak freely in front of men. As a result, women’s concerns are prevalent yet seldom heard.
In Bangladesh, for instance, women and young girls are primarily responsible for collecting freshwater for domestic uses, and often have to travel long distances to reach water sources. Their mobility is strictly limited in certain regions due to their gender, and having to negotiate access with men at collection points is incredibly challenging and sometimes humiliating. Such difficulties are aggravated for those who are unmarried or divorced, and also vary based on age and class. The rise of arsenic poisoning in Bangladesh has further worsened the situation, as women may not be able to travel far enough to collect safe drinking water due to social restrictions, or simply because of their lack of documentation and mobility.
There are several ways to mitigate such complex issues, including segregated surveys to understand what women in these situations actually want rather than imposing personal beliefs on them. It’s important to steer clear of doing exactly what many accuse men of in such situations – denying women agency. Secularism often fails in deeply religious communities as it is perceived as very ‘foreign’, and so the use of religious teachings to bring change could work. A similar approach was used in Fiji with regards to climate action through Biblical teachings to great success. Using an economic argument for women’s participation in decision-making may also prove useful, especially in declining economies wherein ecosystem diversity substantially affects production.
The inability of women in rural Muslim communities to obtain fundamental rights such as identification contributes greatly to their lack of education, employability, access to resources and decision-making power. Inequality at this scale is not beneficial to anyone (no one wants to drink poisoned water), yet it still persists. Gaining basic access will help pave the way for involvement in the governance of resources – along with access to education, marital rights and freedom of movement – and correspondingly improve livelihoods across communities.

Merah Hashmi
I am what I am. So, take me as I am
September 29, 2018 10:52 pm Comments Off on I am what I am. So, take me as I am
On 6 September, Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code was unanimously struck down by the Supreme Court of India, with the Chief Justice of India citing German thinker Goethe, “I am what I am. So, take me as I am. No one can escape from their individuality”. The law in question was the ban on consensual gay sex, a draconian, out of date one at that, posing as an obtrusive reminder of the country’s colonial past. The judges of the court did not stop at decriminalizing gay sex. They went a step further to ensure that the rights of gay Indians be protected by the legal constitution.
When it comes to changing such laws, many countries have a bottom-up approach where the changed mindsets and views of people force the law to change however this was not the case with India. In a country rife with conservative religious politics and a constricted society, changing mindsets of the huge population of common people is extremely difficult. The law has certainly changed but the attitudes the public has towards the gay community still remain intact. Countless members of the LGBTIQ community have been shunned and abandoned by the families for embracing what they consider an alternative lifestyle, not in line with their cultural values. The popular majoritarian view would generally lean against the decriminalization of gay sex however as one of the justices said, “Majoritarian views and popular morality cannot dictate constitutional minority rights”.
Interestingly, 80% of India’s population practices forms of Hinduism. Hinduism, unlike the Abrahamic religions, which mostly make up the rest of the population, has never explicitly considered homosexuality a sin. Old temple carvings such as the erotic sculptures of the Khajuraho depict a celebration of the raw human form and the representation of both men and women engaging in homosexual acts. Mythical narratives have often expressed and acknowledged gender variance and same-sex relations. The transgender community, in particular, has great spiritual and cultural importance in the Indian society where they are often revered yet feared. Even the idea of a third gender is also a strong, ancient concept with religious roots as well. Sexuality and particularly homosexuality is however very rarely discussed in contemporary Hindu society, largely since it was colonized by the British and had Victorian austerity imposed upon it. This transformed the culture of tolerance for homosexuality within the country. Some Hindu nationalist groups in the country are outspoken about their distaste for homosexuality whereas others prefer to remain silent on it. India’s leading politicians have also largely stayed out of the debate.
While many agree that legalizing same-sex marriage is still a long way off, this was an unprecedented, historic ruling. With the trend towards increased conservatism dictated by Hindu nationalist groups in the country, the abolishment of Section 377 was definitely not expected by many, even though people have been fighting for this for years. For the court to strike the law down, pronouncing it as “irrational, indefensible and manifestly arbitrary” is a massive win for the LGBTIQ community.
This win has already set the ball rolling for other countries in the region. Singapore, for instance, one of the most developed countries in the world has held onto this law since British colonization. There has been a rise in an actual concrete debate with the government conducting a referendum and petitions being signed to review the law. LGBTIQ rights still have a long way to go in terms of public acceptance and actualization of the law, but only time can tell how this victory transforms the future of not only India but other Asian countries in the region as well.

Riddhi Mehta
ASEAN in Southeast Asia
September 18, 2018 5:12 pm Comments Off on ASEAN in Southeast Asia
Southeast Asia is at a turning point. Increasing investments by China and skirmishes between the Chinese and U.S. navies in the South China Sea have made the site a place of contestation by two major powers. Within the region, steady economic growth has powered the rise of a majority middle class which is expected at 65% of the population in 2030.
The region is also home to the regional organisation, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which comprises 10 diverse countries. In this regard, its operating model differs from other regional organisations such as the European Union. Commonly called the “ASEAN way”, it seeks the cooperation of all member countries based on non-intervention. As a result, many of the ASEAN agreements are non-binding, and member countries have the autonomy to decide if they will ratify them in their domestic policies. Such an operating model has brought criticism upon the organisation for its inability to act as a supranational entity that exerts a regional will on individual countries. But against such a backdrop, the organisation facilitated the signing of the Treaty on Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone which has kept the region nuclear weapon free.
Ties between young people from Southeast Asia and Australia are growing stronger. In March 2018, the Australian government announced an additional 50 ASEAN-Australian Awards Scholarships for the next generation of leaders from ASEAN countries to undertake postgraduate study in Australia, bringing the total number of ASEAN-Australia scholarships to 1,050. Young Australians are also given the opportunity to deepen their literacy of ASEAN, with more than 13,500 Australian undergraduates on the New Colombo Plan studying or interning in ASEAN countries, which is about 43 percent of the total number of New Colombo Plan award recipients.
As a testament to the region’s growing relationship with Australia, a group of 11 undergraduates and postgraduates undertook a field trip to Jakarta, Indonesia during the winter break. They interviewed representatives from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and the ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, and explored developments across various topics. Topics included the protection of the rights of migrant workers, rights to freedom of speech, human rights and also critiqued the limited potential for a defence architecture in the region. The ANU ASEAN Society also hosted a photo exhibition as a reflection of their field trip. The field trip was made possible by the Student Extracurricular Enrichment Fund (SEEF).

Cerelia Lim